The army of the Han dynasty was the primary military apparatus of China from 202 BC to 220 AD, with a brief interregnum by the reign of Wang Mang and his Xin dynasty from 9 AD to 23 AD, followed by two years of civil war before the refounding of the Han.
A suit of restored Han dynasty period iron lamellar armour, unearthed in Hohhot.
Organization[edit]
Han shieldbearers
Han shieldbearers
Miniature models of Han shields
Restored Han iron shield
Late Eastern Han/Three Kingdoms shieldbearers
Han archer
Western Han soldiers
Han cavalry
Recruitment and training[edit]
At the start of the Han dynasty, male commoners were liable for conscription starting from the age of 23 until the age of 56. The minimum age was lowered to 20 after 155 BC, briefly raised to 23 again during the reign of Emperor Zhao of Han (r. 87â74 BC), but returned to 20 afterwards. Some convicts could also choose to commute their service by serving on the frontier. Conscripts trained for one year and then served for another year either on the frontier, in one of the provinces, or at the capital as guards. A relatively small minority of these conscripts would also have served in the cavalry division in the north, which was primarily composed of volunteers from families of superior status, or water borne forces in the south.[1] Conscripts were generally trained to arrange themselves in a formation five men deep, but actual practice on the battlefield could be flexible with some commanders preferring ranks of up to 10 men deep.[2][3] Implementation of daily best practices was also highly dependent on each individual commander, with some like Li Guang eschewing administrative details while Cheng Buzhi always kept his men in tight formations.[3] After finishing their two years of service, the conscripts were discharged. During Western Han times discharged conscripts could still be called up for training once a year but this practice was discontinued after 30 AD.[4]
Certain nobles were exempt from military conscription. Those of ranks four to eight did not have to perform service in their locality and those of rank 9 and higher had full exemptions.[4] During the Eastern Han period, commoners were allowed to commute military service by paying a scutage tax.[5]
Frontier life[edit]
The efficiency of these garrisons was kept at a high professional standard. Officers arbitrated disputes between servicemen, who could plead for the recovery of debts. In the orderly rooms of the companies meticulous records were kept of the daily work on which men were engaged; of the preparation, dispatch, and receipt of official mail; of the regular tests in archery to which officers were subject; and of the inspectorsâ reports on the state of efficiency of sites and equipment. Accurate timekeeping was a feature of service life, as may be seen, for example, in the records of schedules for the delivery of mail; of the observation of routine signals; and of the passage of individuals through points of control. Similarly, careful accounts were kept of the official expenditure and distribution of supplies; of payments made for officers' stipends or for the purchase of stores such as glue, grease, or cloth; of the rations of grain and salt to which men and their families were entitled; of the receipt of equipment and clothing by the men; and of the equipment, weapons, and horses consigned to the care of the units.[6]
ââMichael Loewe
Professional army[edit]
The Northern Army was a professional force of full time soldiers which had existed since 180 BC. It originally consisted of eight regiments and around 8,000 troops, but was later reorganized from 31 to 39 AD into a smaller force of five regiments, around 4,200 troops. The five regiments were each commanded by a colonel: the colonel of garrison cavalry, the colonel of picked cavalry, the colonel of infantry, the colonel of Chang River, and the colonel of archers. A captain of the center inspected the Northern Army and their encampments.[7][8][9]
There was also a Southern Army, created in 138 BC, with a total force of 6,000 troops. However the soldiers rotated in and out every year so they are not considered a professional force[8][4]
In 188 AD an 'Army of the Western Garden' was created from the private troops of a collection of warlords as a counterweight to the Northern Army.[10]
According to Rafe de Crespigny, the total number of professional soldiers in the Eastern Han, including all the smaller groups, amounted to some 20,000 soldiers.[11]
Officers[edit]
Neither the Qin or Han armies had permanent generals or field commanders. They were chosen from court officials on an ad hoc basis and appointed directly by the emperor as the need arose. At times several generals were given control of expeditionary forces to prevent any one general from obtaining overwhelming power and rebelling. A general's stipends were equivalent or slightly below that of the Nine Ministers, but in the case of failure on campaign, a general could face very severe penalties such as execution. Smaller forces were led a colonel (xiaowei) [12]
Logistics[edit]
According to Zhao Chongguo who served in the first century BC, a force of 10,281 men required 27,363 hu of grain and 308 hu of salt each month, requiring a convoy of 1,500 carts for transport. One hu is 19.968 liters, meaning that each soldier required per month 51.9 liters of grain and 0.6 liters of salt. Another document at Juyan suggests 3.2 hu, or 63.8 liters, of grain.[13]
Decline[edit]
When imperial authority collapsed after 189 AD, military governors reverted to relying upon their personal retainers as troops. Due to the ensuing chaos of the Three Kingdoms period, there was no need for conscription since displaced peoples voluntarily enlisted in the army for security reasons.[14][15] The end of the Han system of recruitment eventually led to the rise of a hereditary military class by the beginning of the Jin dynasty (265â420).[16]
The internecine conflicts that dominated the Chinese scene during the century after 180 transformed the economy and gave rise to new relationships between elite families and the farming population; they greatly weakened, but did not destroy, the centralized structure of imperial government. At the same time, they also saw the emergence of new forms of military service and military organization. The most important of these changes were the creation of a dependent, hereditary military caste that was clearly distinguished from the general population, an increasing reliance on cavalry forces of non-Chinese, âbarbarianâ origin, and the development of command structures that left tremendous authority in the hands of local and regional military leaders. All of these developments amounted to the negation of the early Western Han military system that had been based on universal service and temporary, ad hoc command arrangements.[16]
Chariots and horses[edit]
Han bronze cavalry figurine
Han cavalry and chariots
Han mounting stirrup
Han cavalry equipment
Although the chariot started losing prominence around the late Warring States period, it remained in use into the Han era until the Xiongnu war of 133 BC when they proved too slow to catch up to an all cavalry force.[17] However chariots were still used as defensive pieces several decades later.[18]
The Han's cavalry forces were fairly limited at the beginning of the dynasty. Their only large scale horse breeding programs existed in cities along northwest China: Tianshui, Longxi, Anding, Beidi, Shang, and Xihe. Emperor Wen of Han (r. 180â157 BC) decreed that three men of age could be exempted from military service for each horse sent by the family to the government. Emperor Jing of Han (r. 157â141 BC) set up 36 government pastures in the northwest to breed horses for military use and sent 30,000 slaves to care for them. By the time Emperor Wu of Han (r. 9 March 141 BC â 29 March 87 BC) came to power, the Han government had control over herds of roughly 300,000 horses, which increased to over 450,000 under Emperor Wu's reign.[19] On paper, the Han dynasty at its height was capable of fielding up to 300,000 horsemen, but was probably constrained by their immense upkeep. A cavalryman on average cost 87,000 cash, not including rations, while a regular soldier only 10,000 cash. The total expenditure of a 300,000 strong cavalry force would therefore have been around 2.18 times the entire government's annual revenue.[20]
Single mounting stirrups were used, but full double stirrups didn't appear until the later Jin dynasty (265â420).[21]
Armour[edit]
Han armour was similar to the armor used by the Qin dynasty with some variations and improvements. Soldiers wore suits of lacquered rawhide, hardened leather, bronze, iron, or steel, and came in varieties such as scale and lamellar. Helmets came as rawhide or hardened leather caps, or made of metals such as iron or steel. Some riders wore armour and carried shields and some horses were armored, but substantial cataphract-like horse armour is not attested to in writing until the late 2nd century.[22]
During the late 2nd century BC, the government created a monopoly on the ironworks, which may have caused a decrease in the quantity and quality of iron and armour. Bu Shi claimed that the resulting products were inferior because they were made to meet quotas rather than for practical use. These monopolies as debated in the Discourses on Salt and Iron were abolished by the beginning of the 1st century AD. In 150 AD, Cui Shi made similar complaints about the issue of quality control in government production due to corruption: '..not long thereafter the overseers stopped being attentive, and the wrong men have been promoted by Imperial decree. Greedy officers fight over the materials, and shifty craftsmen cheat them.. Iron [i.e. steel] is quenched in vinegar, making it brittle and easy to.. [?] The suits of armour are too small and do not fit properly.'[23]
Composite bows were considered effective against unarmoured enemies at 165 yards, and against armoured opponents at 65 yards.[21]
References to 'great shields' mention they were used on the front line to protect spearmen and crossbowmen. Shields were also commonly paired with the single edged dao and used among cavalrymen.[24]
Swords and polearms[edit]
Han dao, jian, and halberd
Han jian with lacquered sheath
Han jians. The longest is 146 cm in length.
Two types of Han jians
Han axe
Qing dynasty 'Horse Beheading Jian'
The jian was mentioned as one of the 'Five Weapons' during the Han dynasty, the other four being dao, spear, halberd, and staff. Another version of the Five Weapons lists the bow and crossbow as one weapon, the jian and dao as one weapon, in addition to halberd, shield, and armour.[25]
The jian was a popular weapon during the Han era and there emerged a class of swordsmen who made their living through fencing. Sword fencing was also a popular pastime for aristocrats. A 37 chapter manual known as the Way of the Jian is known to have existed, but is no longer extant. South and central China were said to have produced the best swordsmen.[26]
There existed a weapon called the 'Horse Beheading Jian', so called because it was supposedly able to cut off a horse's head.[27] However, another source says that it was an execution tool used on special occasions rather than a military weapon.[28]
Daos with ring pommels also became widespread as a cavalry weapon during the Han era. The dao had the advantage of being single edged, which meant the dull side could be thickened to strengthen the sword, making it less prone to breaking. When paired with a shield, the dao made for a practical replacement for the jian, hence it became the more popular choice as time went on. After the Han, sword dances using the dao rather than the jian are mentioned to have occurred. Archaeological samples range from 86 to 114 cm in length.[29]
An account of Duan Jiong's tactical formation in 167 AD specifies that he arranged 'â¦three ranks of halberds (é·é changzu), swordsmen (å©å liren) and spearmen (é·ç changmao), supported by crossbows (強弩 qiangnu), with light cavalry (è¼é¨ jingji) on each wing.'[30]
The characters zu and mao both indicate lances or spears, but I suspect the changzu may have had two blades or points. Such weapons, commonly identified as æ ji, but also as é¹ pi and é tan, have been known from early times. Some bronze horsemen found in the tomb at Leitai é·å° by present-day Wuwei are armed with halberds. An alternative rendering for changzu would be âjavelin,â but javelins were not commonin ancient China.[30]
ââRafe de Crespigny
Crossbow[edit]
Han crossbow trigger on a crossbow frame
Han crossbow trigger
Han horseman using a crossbow
A miniature guard wielding a handheld crossbow from the top balcony of a model watchtower, made of glazed earthenware during the Eastern Han era (25â220 AD) of China, from the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
It's clear from surviving inventory lists in Gansu and Xinjiang that the crossbow was greatly favored by the Han dynasty. For example in one batch of slips there are only two mentions of bows, but thirty mentions of crossbows.[31] Crossbows were mass-produced using material such as mulberry wood and brass; a crossbow in 1068 could pierce a tree at 140 paces.[32] Crossbows were used in numbers as large as 50,000 starting from the Qin dynasty and upwards of several hundred thousand during the Han.[33] According to one authority the crossbow had become 'nothing less than the standard weapon of the Han armies' by the second century BC.[34] Han era carved stone images and paintings also contain images of horsemen wielding crossbows. Han soldiers were required to pull an 'entry level' crossbow with a draw-weight of 76kg to qualify as a crossbowman.[35]
The Huainanzi advises its readers not to use crossbows in marshland where the surface is soft and it is hard to arm the crossbow with the foot.[31] The Records of the Grand Historian, completed in 94 BC, mentions that Sun Bin defeated Pang Juan by ambushing him with a body of crossbowmen at the Battle of Maling.[36] The Book of Han, finished 111 AD, lists two military treatises on crossbows.[37]
In the 2nd century AD, Chen Yin gave advice on shooting with a crossbow in the Wuyue Chunqiu:
When shooting, the body should be as steady as a board, and the head mobile like an egg [on a table]; the left foot [forward] and the right foot perpendicular to it; the left hand as if leaning against a branch, the right hand as if embracing a child. Then grip the crossbow and take a sight on the enemy, hold the breath and swallow, then breathe out as soon as you have released [the arrow]; in this way you will be unperturbable. Thus after deep concentration, the two things separate, the [arrow] going, and the [bow] staying. When the right hand moves the trigger [in releasing the arrow] the left hand should not know it. One body, yet different functions [of parts], like a man and a girl well matched; such is the Dao of holding the crossbow and shooting accurately.[38]
ââChen Yin
The crossbow was particularly effective against cavalry charges for two reasons. One, the crossbow could shoot further and harder than the bows of the Xiongnu, and two, even if the enemy went back to collect the quarrels, they had no way of using them because they were too short for their bows.
In 169 BC, Chao Cuo observed that by using the crossbow, it was possible to overcome the Xiongnu:
Of course, in mounted archery [using the short bow] the Yi and the Di are skilful, but the Chinese are good at using nu che. These carriages can be drawn up in the form of a laager which cannot be penetrated by cavalry. Moreover, the crossbows can shoot their bolts to a considerable range, and do more harm [lit. penetrate deeper] than those of the short bow. And again, if the crossbow bolts are picked up by the barbarians they have no way of making use of them. Recently the crossbow has unfortunately fallen into some neglect; we must carefully consider this.. The strong crossbow [jing nu] and the [arcuballista shooting] javelins have a long range; something which the bows of the Huns can no way equal. The use of sharp weapons with long and short handles by disciplined companies of armoured soldiers in various combinations, including the drill of crossbow men alternately advancing [to shoot] and retiring [to load]; this is something which the Huns cannot even face. The troops with crossbows ride forward [cai guan shou] and shoot off all their bolts in one direction; this is something which the leather armour and wooden shields of the Huns cannot resist. Then the [horse-archers] dismount and fight forward on foot with sword and bill; this is something which the Huns do not know how to do.[39]
Special crossbows[edit]
In 99 BC, mounted multiple bolt crossbows were used as field artillery against attacking nomadic cavalry.[40]
In 180 AD, Yang Xuan used a type of repeating crossbow powered by the movement of wheels:
..around A.D. 180 when Yang Xuan, Grand Protector of Lingling, attempted to suppress heavy rebel activity with badly inadequate forces. Yang's solution was to load several tens of wagons with sacks of lime and mount automatic crossbows on others. Then, deploying them into a fighting formation, he exploited the wind to engulf the enemy with clouds of lime dust, blinding them, before setting rags on the tails of the horses pulling these driverless artillery wagons alight. Directed into the enemy's heavily obscured formation, their repeating crossbows (powered by linkage with the wheels) fired repeatedly in random directions, inflicting heavy casualties. Amidst the obviously great confusion the rebels fired back furiously in self-defense, decimating each other before Yang's forces came up and largely exterminated them.[40]
ââRalph Sawyer
The invention of the repeating crossbow has often been attributed to Zhuge Liang, but he in fact had nothing to do with it. This misconception is based on a record attributing improvements to the multiple bolt crossbows to him.[41]
Major campaigns and battles[edit]
ChuâHan Contention, 206â202 BC
Han dynasty, 190 BC - kingdoms in red, commanderies in black
Provinces which suffered heavy raiding by the Xiongnu during the Han dynasty
Rebellion of the Seven States, 154 BC
Subduing the kings[edit]
After defeating Xiang Yu in 202 BC, Emperor Gaozu of Han's generals were made kings of their own semi-independent realms. Han Xin became King of Chu, Ying Bu King of Huainan, Peng Yue King of Liang, Xin King of Han, Wu Rui King of Changsha, Zang Tu King of Yan, Zhang Ao King of Zhao. Zou Wuzhu King of Minyue, and Zou Yao King of Dong'ou. Only Gong Wei and Zhao Tuo continued to resist at Linjiang and Panyu. Gong Wei was besieged by Liu Jia and Lu Wan for several months until he surrendered. Zhao Tuo, the founder of Nanyue, was too far away and thus ignored for the time being.[42]
In the summer, Zang Tu, the King of Yan, marched on Dai to annex the region. Gaozu immediately led an army against him. His general Zhou Bo defeated the Yan forces and Zang Tu was captured. Lu Wan became the new King of Yan while Fan Kuai was sent to occupy Dai.[42]
Li Ji, an ex-general of Xiang Yu, also revolted but failed to make any headway against Han forces and was forced to flee.[42]
In 201 BC, courtiers accused Han Xin of plotting treason. They urged Gaozu to pre-emptively attack Han Xin. However Han Xin was brought in under the pretext of attending a meeting and demoted to Marquis of Huaiyin. The Kingdom of Chu was divided into two realms ruled by Liu Jia and Liu Jiao. Gaozu also made his son Liu Fei the King of Qi. Han Xin was eventually transferred to the northern frontier to defend it against the Xiongnu.[42]
Now both the country and the tactics of the Huns are different from those of the Chinese. Their lands are nothing but mountain-slopes with ways going up and down and winding through gorges in and out; in such regions our Chinese horses cannot compete with theirs. Along the tracks at the edge of precipices still they ride and shoot; our Chinese horse-archers can hardly do the like. Rain and storm, exhaustion and fatigue, hunger and thirst, nothing do they fear; our Chinese soldiers can in these things hardly compare with them. Such are the merits of the Huns.[43]
ââChao Cuo
In 200 BC, Xin, King of Han, surrendered to the Xiongnu at Mayi, Shuofang, Dai Commandery, and joined them in raiding Han territory. Gaozu led an army against them and scattered their forces, defeating them several times before they retreated. Later Xin set up Zhao Li as King of Zhao and marched south against Gaozu. They too were defeated. Seeing the influence the Xiongnu had on his vassals, Gaozu marched north with a large army to confront them. However his men suffered from inadequate clothing to ward off the cold and a lack of supplies, so Gaozu left them behind and advanced to Pingcheng with a smaller party. Modu Chanyu saw his chance to turn the tide and immediately surrounded the city, cutting the emperor off from the rest of his army. It's not clear why, but the Chanyu eventually withdrew some of his men. Sima Qian suggests his consort persuaded him to let the emperor escape. However a prolonged siege would have been impractical anyways since Xin's infantry never made it on time. Seeing the Chanyu's thinned lines, Gaozu sortied out and broke the siege. When Han reinforcements arrived, the Xiongnu withdrew. This came to be known as the Battle of Baideng. Gaozu's narrow escape from capture by the Xiongnu convinced him to make peace with his nomadic enemy. He sent one of his daughters to the Chanyu and offered him silk, wine, and food stuffs. The Chanyu accepted the offer and restricted himself to minor raids throughout the duration of Gaozu's reign.[44]
The hero, Modun, was a gifted child, but his father, Chanyu Touman, wanted the son of another of his wives to succeed him. To eliminate the competitor, he sent the young Modun to theWusun people as a hostage; then he attacked the Wusun, hoping that they would kill their hostage in retribution. Modun escaped his fate and returned to the Xiongnu and his father, who was impressed with his ability as a warrior. This was to be Toumanâs undoing. Modun gathered a group of warriors who were bound to remain absolutely loyal to him. To train them, as the story goes, Modun ordered each man to shoot Modunâs favorite horse, summarily executing any who refused; then he ordered each to shoot Modunâs favorite wife, but again a few hesitated, a mistake they paid for with their own lives. Once the lesson had been learned, Modun ordered his followers to shoot his father. Apparently this time no one failed to discharge his arrows. Having in this way eliminated his own father, Modun became the chanyu, and, immediately upon succeeding to the throne, proceeded to defend the Xiongnu from the aggression of other nomadic tribes. His success allowed him to create a large empire that would humiliate the Han dynasty in 198 b.c. and, over the next few decades, impose its rule widely: from Manchuria to northern and western Mongolia, to the Altai region, to the Tianshan region, and beyond.[45]
In 198 BC, Wang Huang of Zhao and Chen Xi of Dai rebelled. Gaozu ordered Peng Yue, King of Liang, to join him in battle against the rebel forces, but he refused.[46]
In 197 BC, Gaozu eliminated the Zhao and Dai rebels. Gaozu's son Liu Heng became the new King of Dai. Peng Yue feared that Gaozu would come for him for his refusal to aid the empire against the rebels, so he began preparations to rebel. When Gaozu received wind of this, he had Peng Yue arrested and executed. In the summer, Ying Bu, the King of Huainan, rebelled and seized the lands of Liu Jia, King of Jing. The King of Chu, Liu Jiao, fled his territory. Gaozu confronted him in battle and defeated Ying Bu's forces. Ying Bu fled but was defeated again and slain, however Gaozu was wounded in battle by an arrow.[47] Gaozu's son, Liu Chang, became the new King of Huainan.[48]
In 196 BC, Han Xin was arrested and executed despite some reservations from Gaozu, who still considered him to be the finest soldier of his era.[46] Xin was finally killed when he was cornered at the town of Canhe by Han general Chai Wu.[46]
In 195 BC, Han general Zhou Bo captured Chen Xi, who revealed that Lu Wan, King of Yan, had supported him in his rebellion. Zhou Bo stormed the Yan capital of Ji, forcing Lu Wan to seek refuge with the Xiongnu. One of Lu Wan's generals, Wei Man, fled east and usurped the throne of Gojoseon in Korea, beginning the era of Wiman Joseon. Meanwhile Gaozu to succumbed the wound he received in battle against Ying Bu, and died on 28 February, 195 BC. He was succeeded by his 15 year old son Liu Ying, posthumously Emperor Hui of Han.[49]
In 185 BC, the Han outlawed trade of iron with Nanyue, depriving them of the means to make weapons. In retaliation, Zhao Tuo proclaimed himself emperor and attacked Wu Rui, King of Changsha, taking a number of border towns.[50]
In 181 BC, a Han army marched south against Nanyue. However the hot climate and diseases of the region prevented them from advancing any further into mountains of Nanyue (in modern Guangdong and Guangxi).[50]
On Empress Lü's death in 180 BC, the Lü clan usurped the authority of the chief ministers. Liu Xiang, King of Qi, raised the banner of rebellion and called on the Liu clan to unite against the Lü. Zhou Bo overthrew the Lü clan and made Liu Heng, King of Dai, the new emperor, posthumously known as Emperor Wen of Han. Under the reign of Emperor Wen, the Han made peace with Nanyue and withdrew their army from the border. In return, Zhao Tuo announced that he only used the title of emperor in order to overawe the various kings of the south such as the Xiou (Western Ou), Minyue, and Luoluo. He received nominal vassalage from the Han court and the iron trade was resumed between the two states. [50]
In 179 BC, Modu Chanyu crossed the Yellow River and raided Yunzhong Commandery. An army of loyal tribes 85,000 led by Guan Ying managed to repel the Xiongnu invaders and forced them to withdraw.[51]
In 178 BC, Liu Xingju, King of Jibei, rebelled. Han general Chen Wu crushed the rebel army, after which Liu Xingju committed suicide. Meanwhile the Xiongnu overran the Yuezhi in Gansu and the Tarim Basin.[51]
In 166 BC, Xiongnu forces under Laoshang raided within sight of Chang'an and carried off a large number of people and animals.[52]
Han Dynasty Thirteen General Subtitle 1
In 165 BC, the Xiongnu returned and raided within sight of Chang'an again.[52]
In 164 BC, the Xiongnu under Laoshang overran Gansu and the Tarim Basin completely, driving out the Yuezhi and Sakas, who invaded Bactria and occupied Sogdia. The Yuezhi would be pushed out by the Wusun, forcing them further into Sogdia and driving out the Sakas. The Sakas went to Parthia and some to India. A group known as the Lesser Yuezhi fled into southern Gansu and merged with the Qiang population. Laoshang also defeated a group of people in northern Bactria known as the Hathal and turned their chief's skull into a drinking cup. From this western position the Xiongnu conducted yearly raids on the Han.[53]
In 155 BC, Chao Cuo convinced Emperor Jing of Han to take territory from the kingdoms of Chu, Zhao, and Jiaoxi.[54]
According to the Bingfa, where there are waterways fifteen feet wide, chariots cannot pass. Where rocks are piled up among the mountain forests, and rivers circulate between hills covered with woods and thickets; there the infantry arm comes into its own. Here two chariots or two horsemen do not equal one foot-soldier. Where there are rolling hills, wide open spaces and flat plains, there chariots and cavalry find their use, and ten foot-soldiers are not as good as one horseman. Flat places intersected with gorges, and abrupt declivities affording wide outlooks-commanding positions such as these should be held by archers and crossbowmen. Here a hundred men armed with hand-to-hand weapons are not equal to one archer. When two forces oppose one another on a plain covered with short grasses they are free to manoeuvre back and forth, and then the long bill (changji) is the right weapon. Three men with swords and shields are not as effective as one so armed. Among reeds and rushes and thickets of bamboo, where the undergrowth is rich and abundant, pikes and short spears are needed. Two men with long bills are not as goodthere as one with a pike. But among winding ways and dangerous precipices the sword and shield are to be preferred, and three archers or crossbowmen will not do as well as one swordsman.[43]
ââChao Cuo
In 154 BC, the Rebellion of the Seven States erupted. Liu Pi, King of Wu, was ordered to surrender two provinces. He immediately rebelled with the support of Liu Wu King of Chu, Liu Sui King of Zhao, and the Qi kings of Jiaoxi, Jiaodong, Zaichuan, and Ji'nan. The court tried to appease them at first by executing Chao Cuo, however this did not mollify them, and they continued their march west. Opposing them were the emperor's brother Liu Wu King of Liang, and Liu Zhi King of Jibei. The rebel forces captured Jibei and moved south to besiege Suiyang, however they were met by a strong line of fortified towns which they failed to take, halting their advance. Han forces under Zhou Yafu retaliated by seizing Changyi, cutting off the rebel supply route, and advanced to Xiayi before digging in and refusing to do battle. He did however send light cavalry to raid the rebel lines. Without cavalry of their own, they could do nothing to stop him. Soon the rebel army was starving and in desperation they decided to storm Changyi, even managing to penetrate the town for a short while before they were repulsed. They tried a diversionary tactic, attacking one corner of the city with a small force while their main army assaulted the other side. Zhou Yafu anticipated this and concentrated his forces toward repulsing the main rebel assault. Having failed to defeat Zhou Yafu, the rebel army lifted the siege of Suiyang and marched south, only to be overtaken by Zhou and defeated. Liu Wu, King of Chu, committed suicide. Liu Pi escaped further south to Dong'ou (Eastern Ou) with only a few thousand men and was killed by the natives a few months later. The kings of Zhao and the four minor Qi kingdoms all committed suicide one by one as the Han army reached their capitals.[55]
In 139 BC, Minyue invaded Dong'ou, which appealed to the Han for help. An imperial army under Zhuang Zhu came to its aid and forced Zou Wuzhu of Minyue to withdraw south. However the people of Dong'ou were resettled north of the Changjiang and their territory was annexed by Minyue anyway.[56]
In 137 BC, Minyue invaded Nanyue. An imperial army was sent against them, but the Minyue king's brother Zou Yushan usurped the throne and sued for peace, disbanding the army.[56]
Defeating the Xiongnu[edit]
Expansion of the Han dynasty
Han campaigns of conquest
In the summer of 133 BC, the Xiongnu Chanyu Junchen led a force of 100,000 to attack Mayi in Shuofang, Dai Commandery. Wang Hui and two other generals attempted to ambush them at Mayi with a large force of 300,000, but Junchen retreated after learning about the ambush from a captured local warden. Wang Hui decided not to give chase and was sentenced to death. He committed suicide.[57] The Han army abandoned chariots after this point.[17]
Chariots were still used as the chief weapon in wars against the Xiongnu during the period of Emperor Wen, and their relative lack of mobility prevented the Han force from launching any distant expeditions or gaining major victories. This fighting method survived even into the early period of Emperor Wu. For example, in his first war against the Xiongnu, in 133 B.C., a large number of war chariots were mobilized as the chief military component. But when the chanyu of the Xiongnu, realizing that he had been tricked by misinformation provided by a Han spy, retreated to his territory, the Han forces were unable to overtake him. Emperor Wu then decided to give up completely the use of war chariots.[58]
ââChun-shu Chang
In the spring of 129 BC, Wei Qing and three other generals led a cavalry force of 40,000 in an attack on the Xiongnu at the frontier markets of Shanggu. Wei Qing successfully killed several thousand Xiongnu and took 700 prisoners.[59] General Gongsun Ao was defeated and lost 7,000 men. He was reduced to commoner status.[60]Li Guang was defeated and captured but managed to escape by feigning death and returned to base. He was reduced to commoner status.[61]Gongsun He failed to find the Xiongnu.[59] That winter the Xiongnu attacked Yuyang in You Province in retaliation.[59]
In the autumn of 128 BC, Wei Qing and Li Xi led a force of 40,000 and defeated the Xiongnu north of Yanmen Commandery.[59]
In the spring of 127 BC, the Xiongnu raided Liaoxi and Yanmen Commandery. Han Anguo tried to stop them with 700 men but failed and retreated to Yuyang. When Wei Qing and two other generals arrived, the Xiongnu fled. Wei Qing pushed forward and successfully evicted the Xiongnu south of the Yellow River, killed 2,300 Xiongnu at Gaoque (Shuofang), and captured 3,075 Xiongnu and one million livestock at Fuli (Wuyuan).[62][63]
In 126 BC, the Xiongnu led a force of 90,000 under the Wise King (Tuqi) of the Right to attack Dai Commandery, killing its grand administrator Gong You. They also raided Dingxiang and Shang, taking several thousand captives.[64]
[In the Xiongnu state] there are the Left and Right Wise Kings, Left and Right Luli Kings, Left and Right Generals, Left and Right Commandants, Left and Right Household Administrators and Left and Right Gudu Marquises.The Xiongnu word for âwiseâ is tuqi, therefore they often refer to the Heir Apparent as the Tuqi King of the Left. Starting from the Wise Kings of the Left and Right, down to the Household Administrators, the most important ones [command] ten thousand horsemen, the least important a few thousand; altogether they are referred to as the twenty-four high dignitaries.[65]
In the spring of 124 BC, Wei Qing and four other generals led a force of 100,000, mostly light cavalry, against the Xiongnu. The Wise King (Tuqi) of the Right assumed they would turn back after he retreated, but they did not, and he was surprised at his camp. The Han emerged victorious, capturing ten petty chieftains, 15,000 Xiongnu, and one million livestock.[62]
In the spring of 123 BC, Wei Qing and others led 100,000 cavalry against the Xiongnu, killing and capturing 3,000 north of Dingxiang. However Su Jian and Zhao Xin advanced too far with only 3,000 and were cut down. Zhao Xin defected while Su Jian managed to escape.[66][62]
In 122 BC, a Xiongnu force of 10,000 raided Shanggu.[66]
In the spring of 121 BC, Huo Qubing led a force of 10,000 cavalry and killed 8,960 Xiongnu west of the Yanzhi Mountains (in modern Gansu). In the summer he and several others marched west. Huo made it as far as the Qilian Mountains south of Jiuquan, killing and capturing 33,000 Xiongnu. The Xiongnu also invaded Yanmen Commandery so Li Guang and Zhang Qian gave chase. Li Guang was suddenly surrounded by 40,000 Xiongnu under the Wise King (Tuqi) of the Left but was able to hold off repeated attacks for two days until Zhang Qian arrived and the Xiongnu retreated. Zhang Qian was demoted to commoner status for arriving late.[67][68]
Now the chanyu has recently suffered at the hands of the Han and as a result the region occupied by the Hunye king has been depopulated. The Manyi peoples are typically greedy for Han goods. If we now take this opportunity and send rich bribes and gifts to the Wu-sun and persuade them to move farther east and occupy the region which formerly belonged to the Hunye king, then the Han could conclude a treaty of brotherhood with them, and, under the circumstances, they would surely do as we say. If we could get them to obey us, it would be like cutting off the right arm of the Xiongnu. Once an alliance has been forged with the Wusun, states from Daxia (Bactria) to its West could all be induced to come to court and become our outer vassals.[69]
ââZhang Qian
In 120 BC, the Xiongnu raided Youbeiping and Dingxiang, carrying off 1,000 captives.[70]
In the summer of 119 BC, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing led a large force of 100,000 cavalry, 200,000 infantry, and 140,000 supply horses against the Xiongnu. When the Han forces arrived, they found the Xiongnu already prepared and waiting. Wei ensconced himself into a fortified ring of chariots and sent out 5,000 cavalry to probe the enemy. The Xiongnu chanyu Yizhixie responded with 10,000 cavalry. The two sides skirmished until evening when a strong wind arose, at which point Wei committed most of his cavalry and encircled the Xiongnu. Yizhixie attempted to break out of the encirclement but lost control of his men and routed. Huo's forces advanced by another route and defeated the Wise King (Tuqi) of the Left. Li Guang failed to rendezvouz on time and committed suicide. A hundred thousand horses were lost during the campaign leading up to the Battle of Mobei, crippling Han cavalry forces for some time.[18]
The Xiongnu surrounded Li Guang's army and wiped out most of the men. Zhang Qian was accused of having arrived late at his rendezvous with Li Guang and was sentenced to execution, but on payment of a fine he was allowed to become a commoner. This same year the Han sent the swift cavalry general Huo Qubing against the Xiongnu. He defeated and killed 30,000 or 40,000 of the Xiongnu in the western region and rode as far as the Qilian Mountains. The following year the Hunye king led his barbarian hordes and surrendered to the Han, and the Xiongnu completely disappeared from the region from Jincheng and Hexi west along the Southern Mountains to the Salt Swamp. Occasionally Xiongnu scouts would appear, but even they were rare. Two years later the Han armies attacked the Shanyu and chased him north of the desert.[71]
Conquering south, east, and west[edit]
108 BC
Nanyue weapons
Han dynasty (60 BC)
In 116 BC, the Xiongnu raided Liang Province.[72]
In 113 BC, chief minister Lü Jia of Nanyue prevented its king Zhao Xing from visiting the Han court. Han Qianqiu was sent to kill Lü Jia. He advanced into Nanyue with only 2,000 men, capturing several towns, until his local allies turned on him, slaying him and his men.[73]
In 112 BC, the Han invaded eastern Tibet with 25,000 cavalry on grounds of Qiang raiding.[73]
In the autumn of 111 BC, Gongsun He and Zhao Ponu led 25,000 cavalry against the Xiongnu, but failed to engage them. Lu Bode and Yang Pu led a force of 35,000 against Nanyue.[74]
In 110 BC, Han forces defeated Nanyue and annexed the region. The king of Minyue, Zou Yushan, thought he would be attacked as well, and pre-emptively attacked Han garrisons. In the winter the Han sent another force and defeated Minyue. The area was abandoned however until further colonization in 200 AD. Emperor Wu of Han assembled his forced in Shuofang and challenged Wuwei Chanyu to meet him in battle. Wuwei declined.[75]
In 109 BC, the Han sent a force of 5,000 under Guo Chang and Wei Guang to Yelang and Dian Kingdom, forcing them to submit to the Han. A Yue rebellion led by Wu Yang resulted in the removal of all the people in Minyue further north. A Han envoy returning from Gojoseon slew his escort and claimed to have slain a general. Gojoseon retaliated by invading Liaodong.[76]
In 108 BC, a Han army of 57,000 under Xun Zhi and Yang Pu invaded Gojoseon. Xun Zhi advanced too far and was defeated. Yang Pu made it to Wanggeom-seong and was defeated. In spring they regrouped and laid siege to Wanggeom-seong. Xun Zhi got into a fight with Yang Pu and had him arrested, combining both their forces under one general. Eventually the people of the city killed their king, Ugeo of Gojoseon, and surrendered. Zhao Ponu sallied out with 25,000 cavalry against the Xiongnu but could not find them. He then attacked Loulan Kingdom and Jushi Kingdom with only 700 cavalry, subjugating them.[77]
In the autumn of 104 BC, Li Guangli led a force of 20,000 convicted conscripts and 6,000 cavalry against Dayuan. The oasis states refused to provide food so they had to attack them to procure necessities.[78] Han deserters who surrendered to Dayuan taught them how to cast metal into coins and weapons.[79]
In the summer of 103 BC, Zhao Ponu attacked the Xiongnu with 20,000 cavalry, but was surrounded and captured. Li Guangli reached Yucheng (Uzgen) but could not take the city and returned to Dunhuang.[80]
In the autumn of 102 BC, Li Guangli led a much larger army of 60,000 men, 100,000 oxen, 30,000 horses, and 20,000 supply animals against Dayuan. The oasis states surrendered and provided food upon seeing the overwhelming force. The only state which resisted was Luntai, so the entire populace was massacred. The army bypassed Yucheng (Uzgen) and headed straight for Dayuan's capital Ershi (Khujand). There the Han crossbowmen easily defeated Dayuan's army and laid siege to the city. After 40 days and diverting the river from the city, removing their water supply, the inhabitants killed their king and provided the Han army 3,000 horses. A scout force under Wang Shencheng was defeated at Yucheng (Uzgen), so Li sent a detachment under Shangguan Jie to storm Yucheng, whose king fled to Kangju. Yucheng then surrendered. Li returned with only 10,000 men.[81]
In 101 BC, the Xiongnu raided Dingxiang, Yunzhong, Zhangye, and Jiuquan.[82]
In the summer of 99 BC, Li Guangli and three other generals led a force of 35,000 against the Xiongnu in the Tian Shan range. Initially successful, Li Guangli killed some 10,000 Xiongnu, but was surrounded and had to fortify. They sortied out and managed to drive back the Xiongnu before making a run for it. The Xiongnu gave chase and dealt heavy casualties on the Han army. Li Guangli only returned with 40% of his forces. Li Ling and Lu Bode had been left further back earlier as a rear guard, but Lu Bode objected to serving under Li Ling and left. Li Ling decided to advance by himself with only 5,000 infantry, confident that his force of crossbowmen would be able to handle any force they encountered. He was confronted with a force of 30,000 Xiongnu and had to fortify behind a wagon laager between two hills. The Xiongnu made repeated charges on his position, but failed to overcome Li Ling's crossbow and shield/spear formation, suffering heavy casualties. When Li Ling's forces made a break for it, the Xiongnu chased after them, harassing them until nightfall. Only 400 men made it back and Li Ling was himself captured.[83]
In the spring of 97 BC, Li Guangli and two other generals led a force of over 160,000 against the Xiongnu. Li's forces were supposedly routed by only 10,000 Xiongnu and fought a running battle for ten days. Gongsun Ao fought an inconclusive battle with the Wise King (Dugi) of the Left. Han Yue failed to encounter any Xiongnu.[84]
In the summer of 94 BC, Xu Xiangru led a force of auxiliaries from the Western Regions against Suoju (Yarkant County) and killed their king, capturing 1,500 people.[85]
In the spring of 90 BC, Li Guangli and two other generals led a force of 79,000 against the Xiongnu. Initially successful, Li overextended and his supplies ran out, exhausting his men and horses. The Xiongnu outpaced them and dug ditches across their line of retreat. When they tried to cross the ditches, the Xiongnu fell on them, routing the entire army. Li Guangli surrendered. The other generals Shang Qiucheng and Ma Tong managed to return safely. Cheng Wan attacked Jushi Kingdom with a force of 35,000 and secured their king's surrender.[86]
In 87 BC, Wen Zhong subjugated a city near modern Islamabad.
In 83 BC, Han relinquished control over Lintun Commandery and Zhenfan Commandery.[87]
In 78 BC, Fan Mingyou led 20,000 soldiers to aid the Wuhuan against the Xiongnu, but they arrived too late, and attacked the Wuhuan instead.[88]
In 75 BC, Goguryeo took some territory from Xuantu Commandery.[89]
In 71 BC, Chang Hui and two other generals led a force of 100,000 to aid the Wusun against the Xiongnu. The majority of the forces failed to find any Xiongnu, but Chang Hui successfully aided the Wusun in defeating a Xiongnu invasion. However the Xiongnu came back in winter and took many captives. On the way back across the Altai Mountains, the Xiongnu suffered heavy casualties from a sudden blizzard, devastating their army. The next year the Xiongnu were attacked on all sides by Wusun, Wuhuan, and the Han. One third of all Xiongnu died.[90]
In 68 BC, Chang Hui led 45,000 auxiliaries from the Western Regions against Qiuci, which surrendered. Zheng Ji also subdued the Jushi Kingdom, its king having fled to the Wusun.[90]
In 65 BC, the Qiang revolted in eastern Tibet and Suoju rebelled as well. Feng Fengshi was sent in with 15,000 men and subdued Suoju.[91]
In 64 BC, the Xiongnu raided Jiaohe.[91]
In 61 BC, Zhao Chongguo advanced into eastern Tibet and set up colonies near Qinghai Lake. He also advocated for reduction of cavalry forces to reduce military expenditure.[92]
Han Dynasty Thirteen General Subtitle TrailerWestern protectorate[edit]
Historical cities of the Tarim Basin
2 AD
In 60 BC, Xianxianchan, the Rizhu King of Jushi Kingdom, surrendered to Zheng Ji. The Protectorate of the Western Regions was created and the Han gained hegemony over the western oasis states.[93]
In 58 BC, Woyanqudi Chanyu died and the Xiongnu split up into five warring factions.[93]
In 55 BC, the Xiongnu coalesced into two groups, one under Zhizhi Chanyu and the other under his brother Huhanye.[93]
In 51 BC, Huhanye was defeated by Zhizhi Chanyu and fled to the Han.[93]
In 50 BC, Zhizhi Chanyu nominally submitted to the Han.[94]
In 48 BC, Zhizhi Chanyu declared independence after seeing the Han favor his brother Huhanye. He attacked the Wusun and based his operations in Zungaria.[94]
In 43 BC, Huhanye moved back to the north, starting the era of Western and Eastern Xiongnu.[94]
In 42 BC, the Qiang rebelled and defeated a force of 12,000 under Feng Fengshi.[95]
In 41 BC, Feng Fengshi returned to eastern Tibet with 60,000 men and crushed the Qiang rebellion.[95]
In 36 BC, Gan Yanshou and Chen Tang led a force of 40,000 against the Xiongnu. They reached Wusun territory and then advanced on Kangju. Kangju attacked them and took their wagons, but a counterattack drove off their forces, and the Han army was able to recover their supply train. Upon reaching Kangju (around modern Taraz), the army started constructing a fortified camp, but the Xiongnu attacked them. After driving off the Xiongnu with crossbows, they secured their camp and advanced on the enemy city in a shield and spear formation in front and crossbowmen behind. The crossbowmen rained down on the defenders manning the walls until they fled, then the spearmen drained the moat and started stacking firewood against the palisade. A Kangju relief force made several attacks on the Han position at night, delaying the assault and allowing the defenders to repair their walls. When the Han army attacked, the city fell with ease and Zhizhi Chanyu was stabbed to death. During this battle, an infantry unit on the Kangju side used a formation described as having the appearance of fish scales, which has caused speculation that they were Roman legionaires captured at Carrhae. Evidence is inconclusive.[96]
In 12 BC, Duan Huizong led a force to Wusun and resolved a dispute.[97]
In 6 AD, a petty king in the area of the former Jushi Kingdom defected to the Xiongnu, who turned him over to the Han.[98]
In 7 AD, the Han convinced the Wuhuan to stop sending tribute to the Xiongnu, who immediately attacked and defeated the Wuhuan.[98]
In 9 AD, Wang Mang proclaimed himself emperor of the Xin dynasty.[98]
In 10 AD, some officers of the Protector General Dan Qin rebelled, slew him, and fled to the Xiongnu.[99]
In 11 AD, Wuzhuliu Chanyu of the Xiongnu attacked Yunzhong, Yanmen, and Shuofang commanderies.[100]
In 16 AD, an army under Li Chong and Guo Qin was sent to subdue Yanqi. One contingent was ambushed and defeated but the other massacred the population of Yanqi. Other regions remained loyal along with Suoju.[101]
Eastern Han[edit]
Rebellions at the end of the Xin dynasty (9â23)
Warlords and rebel forces post-Xin collapse
Qiang campaign, 167 AD
In 23 AD, Wang Mang's Xin dynasty was defeated and 12 years of civil war ensued.[102] The Protectorate of the Western Regions was left to its own devices. In the absence of the Han, Xian of Suoju became Hegemon King of the Western Regions and was even able to extend its power over Dayuan to the west. In 50 AD, Suoju attacked Dayuan with an army of 10,000 when their king, Yanliu, failed to send tribute. Yanliu was brought back to Suoju while King Qiaositai of Jumi was sent to rule Dayuan. However Qiaositai suffered from repeated attacks by Kangju and abandoned Dayuan. Yanliu was sent back to Dayuan.[103] In 60 AD, Xiumoba of Yutian[disambiguation needed] rebelled against Xian but died in the assault on Suoju. Xiumoba's nephew Guangde captured Suoju in 61 AD. When the Northern Xiongnu learned of this, they attacked Yutian and enthroned Xian's son, Bujuzheng, as king of Suoju. After Dou Gu defeated the Northern Xiongnu in 73 AD, Guangde joined the Han forces in subjugating Suoju. Guangde's brother, Qili, became the new king of Suoju in 87 AD.[104]
In 35 AD, Emperor Guangwu of Han, also known as the 'Bronze Horse Emperor,'[105] reunited the Han dynasty.[102]
In 40 AD, Jiuzhen, Jiaozhi, and Rinan commanderies rebelled under the Trung sisters.[106]
In 42 AD, the Trung sisters' rebellion was defeated by Ma Yuan.[107]
In 49 AD, the Qiang tribes retook the Qinghai region[108]
In 50 AD, Bi chanyu and the Southern Xiongnu settled in Bing Province.[109]
In 57 AD, the Qiang led by Dianyu raided Jincheng Commandery.[110]
In 59 AD, a Han army defeated Dianyu.[110]
In 62 AD, the Northern Xiongnu made a major raid but was repelled.[111]
In 69 AD, Liumiao the King of the Ailao, submitted to the Han dynasty. His territory was incorporated under eight new counties, extending Han territory into modern Myanmar.[112]
In 73 AD, Dou Gu led a force of 12,000 against the Xiongnu and defeated Huyan in modern northeastern Xinjiang.[113]
In 74 AD, Dou Gu led another expedition to the Western Regions and gained the submission of Jushi, restoring the Protectorate of the Western Regions.[113]
In 75 AD, the Xiongnu besieged Jushi and Chen Mu was killed by the locals.[113]
In 76 AD, Lei'ao the King of the Ailao, gathered 3,000 men and attacked the headquarters of Yongchang Commandery and drove out Han administration. Nine thousand Han militia and non-Chinese auxiliaries were called up from surrounding commanderies and defeated him in the following year. His head was sent to Luoyang.[114]
In 77 AD, the Protectorate of the Western Regions was abandoned again.[115]
In 78 AD, Ban Chao defeated Gumo, which was aided by Kangju.[116]
In 84 AD, Ban Chao brought forces against Shule, but could not defeat them due to reinforcements from their ally, Kangju. Ban Chao sent gifts to the Kushan Empire and they influenced the Kangju troops to retreat. The king of Suoju went with them.[117]
In 87 AD, Ban Chao attacked Suoju with 25,000 men. They were heavily outnumbered due to 50,000 reinforcements from Suoju's ally, Qiuci, but Ban Chao made a false retreat and deceived the army of Qiuci into giving chase. Ban Chao then rounded back and made a surprise attack on the Suoju camp, defeating them. The army of Qiuci withdrew.[117]
In the summer of 89 AD, Dou Xian led an army of around 45,000 against the Northern Xiongnu and defeated them. This marked the effective end of Xiongnu power in the steppes and the rise of the less organized but more aggressive Xianbei.[118]
The ideal situation on the frontier was to have a non-Chinese ruler so powerful within his own lands that his orders were obeyed but so dependent on Chinese goodwill, or vulnerable to Chinese threats, that he kept his people from troubling imperial territory. By destroying the Northern Shanyu, the Han removed a potential client and found itself faced with the incoherent but spreading power of the Xianbi, while the Southern regime was overwhelmed by its new responsibilities. So the empire destroyed a weak and all but suppliant enemy for the benefit of a junior ally who could not make good use of the victory, to the ultimate profit of a far more dangerous enemy.[119]
ââRafe de Crespigny
In 90 AD, the Protectorate of the Western Regions was restored under Ban Chao.[115]Qiuci, Gumo, and Wensu submitted to the Han. The Kushan Empire sent the general known as Xie with an army of 70,000 against Ban Chao in Shule. Ban Chao fled and implemented a scorched earth policy which left the Kushan army with no supplies. Xie sought to purchase supplies at Qiuci, but Ban Chao anticipated this, and laid an ambush for the Kushan messengers, killing them. Realizing that they could advance no further, Xie retreated.[120]
In 96 AD, Han forces attacked the Xiongnu king Wujuzhan and killed him.[121]
In 107 AD, Dianlian of the QiangXianlian attacked Liang Province. As a result the Protectorate of the Western Regions was abandoned. The Han court sent Deng Zhi and Ren Shang against the invading army, and although the Qiang forces suffered significant casualties, they were defeated at Hanyang Commandery. Having achieved victory against the Han army, Dianlian proclaimed himself emperor at Beidi Commandery. Qiang forces now threatened Han territory as far south as Hanzhong Commandery and as far east as Ji Province.[115][108]
In 109 AD, Dianlian conquered Longxi Commandery.[122] The Wuhuan and Xianbei attacked Wuyuan Commandery and defeated local Han forces.[123] The Southern Xiongnu chanyu Wanshishizhudi rebelled against the Han and attacked the Emissary Geng Chong but failed to oust him. Han forces under Geng Kui retaliated and defeated a force of 3,000 Xiongnu but could not take the Southern Xiongnu capital due to disease among the horses of their Xianbei allies.[123]
In 110 AD, Dianlian defeated and killed the Administrator Zheng Qin in Hanzhong Commandery.[122] The Southern Xiongnu raided Changshan Commandery and Zhongshan Commandery. The Wanshi Chanyu engaged in battle with a Han army of 8,000 under Liang Qin. The Xiongnu surrounded the Han army, but Liang Qin broke through the encirclement, killing 3,000 and defeating the Xiongnu forces. The Wanshi Chanyu surrendered and was given amnesty.[123]
In 112 AD, Dianlian died and was succeeded by his son Lianchang. Lianchang was too young to exercise authority and another man of the tribe, Langmo, took charge of strategy. The new regime was significantly less effective under the regent and failed to make any headway against Han forces.[124]
In 116 AD, the Han general Deng Zun led 10,000 Southern Xiongnu cavalry in a raid on Lianchang's headquarters from the north. Meanwhile Ren Shang attacked from the south and killed Lianchang's wife and children.[124] Hill peoples under Chentang and Yangsun led a rebellion in Wuling Commandery but were quickly put down by local tribal auxiliaries.[125]
In 117 AD, Lianchang was assassinated and forces under Ren Shang ended Qiang raids.[126]
In 120 AD, the Qiang chieftain Jiwu attacked Jincheng Commandery and was defeated by the general Ma Xian.[127]
In 121 AD, the Xianbei under Qizhijian raided Han territory.[128] The QiangShaodang tribe under Manu raided Wuwei Commandery but were defeated by the general Ma Xian the following year.[129]Go Suseong of Goguryeo attacked Xuantu Commandery but was defeated by a combined Han-Buyeo army.[130]
In 126 AD, Ban Yong invaded the Western Regions and conquered Yanqi[disambiguation needed]. Qiuci, Yutian[disambiguation needed], and Suoju submitted to Han. The Protectorate of the Western Regions was however not re-established and only a chief clerk was appointed to deal with the western states. The Han attempted to colonize Yiwu several times in the following decades but these efforts were cut short in 157 AD by other disturbances to the far south. Official administration over the Western Regions was not re-established by another Chinese state until the Tang dynasty in the 7th century AD.[131]Qizhijian of the Xianbei attacked Dai Commandery and killed the Administrator Li Chao.[132]
In 127 AD, the Xianbei raided Liaodong Commandery and Xuantu Commandery.[133]
In 128 AD, the Xianbei attacked Yuyang Commandery.[133]
In 136 AD, people known as the Qulian from beyond the southern frontier attacked Rinan Commandery, causing turmoil and confusion.[134]
In 137 AD, a rebellion occurred in Rinan Commandery and was peacefully quelled without resorting to arms.[135]
Han Dynasty Thirteen General Subtitles
In 140 AD, the Qiang rebelled.[126] Wusi and Cheniu of the Southern Xiongnu rebelled.[136]
In 141 AD, Wusi and Cheniu were defeated. Cheniu surrendered while Wusi was killed by his followers in 143.[137]
In 142 AD, the Qiang rebellion was put down.[126]
In 144 AD, a rebellion occurred in Rinan Commandery and was peacefully quelled without resorting to arms.[135]
In 145 AD, the Xianbei raided Dai Commandery.[138]
In 157 AD, a rebellion occurred in Jiuzhen Commandery and was defeated.[139]
In 166 AD, the Xianbei started conducting annual raids.[140]
In 167 AD, Duan Jiong conducted an anti-Qiang campaign and massacred Qiang populations as well as settled them outside the frontier.[126]
In 169 AD, Geng Lin attacked Goguryeo forced the king to offer submission.[141]
In 168 AD, the Xianbei under Tanshihuai raided Han territory.[142]
In 177 AD, Xia Yu, Tian Yan and the Tute Chanyu led a force of 30,000 against the Xianbei. They were defeated and returned with only a quarter of their original forces.[140]
In 178 AD, Liang Long rebelled in the south.[143]
In 181 AD, Zhu Juan defeated Liang Long's rebellion.[143]
In 182 AD, the Xianbei khan Tanshihuai died and his weak successor Helian failed to keep the confederacy intact.[144]
In 184 AD, the Yellow Turban Rebellion and Liang Province rebellion erupted, leading to the fragmentation and downfall of the Han dynasty.[145]
Campaign list[edit]HanâXiongnu War[edit]
Northern and Southern Xiongnu[edit]
Southern wars[edit]
Korean wars[edit]
Western regions[edit]
Qiang[edit]
Wuhuan[edit]
Xianbei[edit]
Rebellions[edit]Notable military leaders[edit]Western Han[edit]Eastern Han[edit]References[edit]
Bibliography[edit]
Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Army_of_the_Han_dynasty&oldid=904167573'
The Han dynasty
The Han dynasty was founded by Liu Bang (best known by his temple name, Gaozu), who assumed the title of emperor in 202 bce. Eleven members of the Liu family followed in his place as effective emperors until 6 ce (a 12th briefly occupied the throne as a puppet). In 9 ce the dynastic line was challenged by Wang Mang, who established his own regime under the title of Xin. In 25 ce the authority of the Han dynasty was reaffirmed by Liu Xiu (posthumous name Guangwudi), who reigned as Han emperor until 57. Thirteen of his descendants maintained the dynastic succession until 220, when the rule of a single empire was replaced by that of three separate kingdoms. While the entire period from 206 (or 202) bce to 220 ce is generally described as that of the Han dynasty, the terms Xi (Western) Han (also called Former Han) and Dong (Eastern) Han (also called Later Han) are used to denote the two subperiods. During the first period, from 206 bce to 25 ce, the capital city was situated at Changâan (modern Xiâan), in the west; in the second period, from 25 to 220 ce, it lay farther east at Luoyang.
The four centuries in question may be treated as a single historical period by virtue of dynastic continuity, for, apart from the short interval of 9â25, imperial authority was unquestionably vested in successive members of the same family. The period, however, was one of considerable changes in imperial, political, and social development. Organs of government were established, tried, modified, or replaced, and new social distinctions were brought into being. Chinese prestige among other peoples varied with the political stability and military strength of the Han house, and the extent of territory that was subject to the jurisdiction of Han officials varied with the success of Han arms. At the same time, the example of the palace, the activities of government, and the growing luxuries of city life gave rise to new standards of cultural and technological achievement.
Chinaâs first imperial dynasty, that of Qin, had lasted barely 15 years before its dissolution in the face of rebellion and civil war. By contrast, Han formed the first long-lasting regime that could successfully claim to be the sole authority entitled to wield administrative power. The Han forms of government, however, were derived in the first instance from the Qin dynasty, and these in turn incorporated a number of features of the government that had been practiced by earlier kingdoms. The Han empire left as a heritage a practical example of imperial government and an ideal of dynastic authority to which its successors aspired. But the Han period has been credited with more success than is its due; it has been represented as a period of 400 years of effective dynastic rule, punctuated by a short period in which a pretender to power usurped authority, and it has been assumed that imperial unity and effective administration advanced steadily with each decade. In fact, there were only a few short periods marked by dynastic strength, stable government, and intensive administration. Several reigns were characterized by palace intrigue and corrupt influences at court, and on a number of occasions the future of the dynasty was seriously endangered by outbreaks of violence, seizure of political power, or a crisis in the imperial succession.
Dynastic authority and the succession of emperorsXi (Western) Han
Since at least as early as the Shang dynasty, the Chinese had been accustomed to acknowledging the temporal and spiritual authority of a single leader and its transmission within a family, at first from brother to brother and later from father to son. Some of the early kings had been military commanders, and they may have organized the corporate work of the community, such as the manufacture of bronze tools and vessels. In addition, they acted as religious leaders, appointing scribes or priests to consult the oracles and thus to assist in making major decisions covering communal activities, such as warfare and hunting expeditions. In succeeding centuries the growing sophistication of Chinese culture was accompanied by demands for more-intensive political organization and for more-regular administration; as kings came to delegate tasks to more officials, so was their own authority enhanced and the obedience that they commanded the more widely acknowledged. Under the kingdoms of Zhou, an association was deliberately fostered between the authority of the king and the dispensation exercised over the universe by heaven, with the result that the kings of Zhou and, later, the emperors of Chinese dynasties were regarded as being the sons of heaven.
(Redirected from Qin Dynasty)
The Qin dynasty (Chinese: 秦æ; pinyin: QÃncháo; WadeâGiles: ChÊ»in²-chÊ»ao²) was the first dynasty of Imperial China,[2] lasting from 221 to 206 BC. Named for its heartland in Qin state (modern Gansu and Shaanxi), the dynasty was founded by Qin Shi Huang, the First Emperor of Qin. The strength of the Qin state was greatly increased by the Legalist reforms of Shang Yang in the fourth century BC, during the Warring States period. In the mid and late third century BC, the Qin state carried out a series of swift conquests, first ending the powerless Zhou dynasty, and eventually conquering the other six of the Seven Warring States. Its 15 years was the shortest major dynasty in Chinese history, consisting of only two emperors, but inaugurated an imperial system that lasted from 221 BC, with interruption and adaptation, until 1912 CE.
The Qin sought to create a state unified by structured centralized political power and a large military supported by a stable economy.[3] The central government moved to undercut aristocrats and landowners to gain direct administrative control over the peasantry, who comprised the overwhelming majority of the population and labour force. This allowed ambitious projects involving three hundred thousand peasants and convicts, such as connecting walls along the northern border, eventually developing into the Great Wall of China.[4]
The Qin introduced a range of reforms such as standardized currency, weights, measures, and a uniform system of writing, which aimed to unify the state and promote commerce. Additionally, its military used the most recent weaponry, transportation, and tactics, though the government was heavy-handedly bureaucratic. Han dynastyConfucians portrayed the legalistic Qin dynasty as a monolithic tyranny, notably citing a purge known as the burning of books and burying of scholars although some modern scholars dispute the veracity of these accounts.
When the first emperor died in 210 BC, two of his advisers placed an heir on the throne in an attempt to influence and control the administration of the dynasty. These advisors squabbled among themselves, resulting in both of their deaths and that of the second Qin Emperor. Popular revolt broke out and the weakened empire soon fell to a Chu general, Xiang Yu, who was proclaimed Hegemon-King of Western Chu, and Liu Bang, who later founded the Han dynasty. Despite its short reign, the dynasty greatly influenced the future of China, particularly the Han, and its name is thought to be the origin of the European name for China.
History[edit]Origins and early development[edit]
Map showing major states of Eastern Zhou
In the 9th century BC, Feizi, a supposed descendant of the ancient political advisor Gao Yao, was granted rule over Qin City. The modern city of Tianshui stands where this city once was. During the rule of King Xiao of Zhou, the eighth king of the Zhou dynasty, this area became known as the state of Qin. In 897 BC, under the Gonghe Regency, the area became a dependency allotted for the purpose of raising and breeding horses.[5] One of Feizi's descendants, Duke Zhuang, became favoured by King Ping of Zhou, the thirteenth king in that line. As a reward, Zhuang's son, Duke Xiang, was sent eastward as the leader of a war expedition, during which he formally established the Qin.[6]
The state of Qin first began a military expedition into central China in 672 BC, though it did not engage in any serious incursions due to the threat from neighbouring tribesmen. By the dawn of the fourth century BC, however, the neighbouring tribes had all been either subdued or conquered, and the stage was set for the rise of Qin expansionism.[7]
Growth of power[edit]
Map of the Warring States. Qin is shown in pink
Map of the Growth of Qin
Lord Shang Yang, a Qin statesman of the Warring States period, advocated a philosophy of Legalism, introducing a number of militarily advantageous reforms from 361 BC until his death in 338 BC. Yang also helped construct the Qin capital, commencing in the mid-fourth century BC Xianyang. The resulting city greatly resembled the capitals of other Warring States.[8]
Notably, Qin Legalism encouraged practical and ruthless warfare.[9] During the Spring and Autumn period,[10] the prevalent philosophy had dictated war as a gentleman's activity; military commanders were instructed to respect what they perceived to be Heaven's laws in battle.[11] For example, when Duke Xiang of Song[note 1] was at war with the state of Chu during the Warring States period, he declined an opportunity to attack the enemy force, commanded by Zhu, while they were crossing a river. After allowing them to cross and marshal their forces, he was decisively defeated in the ensuing battle. When his advisors later admonished him for such excessive courtesy to the enemy, he retorted, 'The sage does not crush the feeble, nor give the order for attack until the enemy have formed their ranks.'[12]
The Qin disregarded this military tradition, taking advantage of their enemy's weaknesses. A nobleman in the state of Wei accused the Qin state of being 'avaricious, perverse, eager for profit, and without sincerity. It knows nothing about etiquette, proper relationships, and virtuous conduct, and if there be an opportunity for material gain, it will disregard its relatives as if they were animals.'[13] It was this Legalist thought combined with strong leadership from long-lived rulers, openness to employ talented men from other states, and little internal opposition that gave the Qin such a strong political base.[14]
Another advantage of the Qin was that they had a large, efficient army[note 2] and capable generals. They utilised the newest developments in weaponry and transportation as well, which many of their enemies lacked. These latter developments allowed greater mobility over several different terrain types which were most common in many regions of China. Thus, in both ideology and practice, the Qin were militarily superior.[9]
Finally, the Qin Empire had a geographical advantage due to its fertility and strategic position, protected by mountains that made the state a natural stronghold.[note 3] Its expanded agricultural output helped sustain Qin's large army with food and natural resources;[14] the Wei River canal built in 246 BC was particularly significant in this respect.[15]
Conquest of the Warring States[edit]
Map showing the unification of Qin during 230â211 BC
During the Warring States period preceding the Qin dynasty, the major states vying for dominance were Yan, Zhao, Qi, Chu, Han, Wei and Qin. The rulers of these states styled themselves as kings, rather than using the titles of lower nobility they had previously held. However, none elevated himself to believe that he had the 'Mandate of Heaven', as the Zhou kings had claimed, nor that he had the right to offer sacrificesâthey left this to the Zhou rulers.[16]
Before their conquest in the fourth and third centuries BC, the Qin suffered several setbacks. Shang Yang was executed in 338 BC by King Huiwen due to a personal grudge harboured from his youth. There was also internal strife over the Qin succession in 307 BC, which decentralised Qin authority somewhat. Qin was defeated by an alliance of the other states in 295 BC, and shortly after suffered another defeat by the state of Zhao, because the majority of their army was then defending against the Qi. The aggressive statesman Fan Sui (èé), however, soon came to power as prime minister even as the problem of the succession was resolved, and he began an expansionist policy that had originated in Jin and Qi, which prompted the Qin to attempt to conquer the other states.[17]
The Qin were swift in their assault on the other states. They first attacked the Han, directly east, and took their capital city of Xinzheng in 230 BC. They then struck northward; the state of Zhao surrendered in 228 BC, and the northernmost state of Yan followed, falling in 226 BC. Next, Qin armies launched assaults to the east, and later the south as well; they took the Wei city of Daliang (now called Kaifeng) in 225 BC and forced the Chu to surrender by 223 BC. Lastly, they deposed the Zhou dynasty's remnants in Luoyang and conquered the Qi, taking the city of Linzi in 221 BC.[18]
When the conquests were complete in 221 BC, King Zheng â who had first assumed the throne of the Qin state at age 9[19] â became the effective ruler of China.[20] The subjugation of the six states was done by King Zheng who had used efficient persuasion and exemplary stratagem. He solidified his position as sole ruler with the abdication of his prime minister, Lü Buwei. The states made by the emperor were assigned to officials dedicated to the task rather than place the burden on people from the royal family.[20] He then combined the titles of the earlier Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors into his new name: Shi Huangdi (å§çå¸) or 'First Emperor'.[21][note 4] The newly declared emperor ordered all weapons not in the possession of the Qin to be confiscated and melted down. The resulting metal was sufficient to build twelve large ornamental statues at the Qin's newly declared capital, Xianyang.[22]
Southward expansion[edit]
In 214 BC, Qin Shi Huang secured his boundaries to the north with a fraction (100,000 men) of his large army, and sent the majority (500,000 men) of his army south to conquer the territory of the southern tribes. Prior to the events leading to Qin dominance over China, they had gained possession of much of Sichuan to the southwest. The Qin army was unfamiliar with the jungle terrain, and it was defeated by the southern tribes' guerrilla warfare tactics with over 100,000 men lost. However, in the defeat Qin was successful in building a canal to the south, which they used heavily for supplying and reinforcing their troops during their second attack to the south. Building on these gains, the Qin armies conquered the coastal lands surrounding Guangzhou,[note 5] and took the provinces of Fuzhou and Guilin. They struck as far south as Hanoi. After these victories in the south, Qin Shi Huang moved over 100,000 prisoners and exiles to colonize the newly conquered area. In terms of extending the boundaries of his empire, the First Emperor was extremely successful in the south.[22]
Campaigns against the Xiongnu[edit]
However, while the empire at times was extended to the north, the Qin could rarely hold on to the land for long. The tribes of these locations, collectively called the Hu by the Qin, were free from Chinese rule during the majority of the dynasty.[23] Prohibited from trading with Qin dynasty peasants, the Xiongnu tribe living in the Ordos region in northwest China often raided them instead, prompting the Qin to retaliate. After a military campaign led by General Meng Tian, the region was conquered in 215 BC and agriculture was established; the peasants, however, were discontented and later revolted. The succeeding Han dynasty also expanded into the Ordos due to overpopulation, but depleted their resources in the process. Indeed, this was true of the dynasty's borders in multiple directions; modern Xinjiang, Tibet, Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, and regions to the southeast were foreign to the Qin, and even areas over which they had military control were culturally distinct.[24]
Fall from power[edit]
A stone rubbing of a carved relief from the Han dynasty depicting Jin Ke's assassination attempt on Qin Shi Huang; Jing Ke (left) is held by one of Qin Shi Huang's physicians (left, background). The dagger used in the assassination attempt is seen stuck in the pillar. Qin Shi Huang (right) is seen holding an imperial jade disc. One of his soldiers (far right) rushes to save his emperor.
Three assassination attempts were made on Qin Shi Huang's life,[25] leading him to become paranoid and obsessed with immortality. He died in 210 BC, while on a trip to the far eastern reaches of his empire in an attempt to procure an elixir of immortality from Taoist magicians, who claimed the elixir was stuck on an island guarded by a sea monster. The chief eunuch, Zhao Gao, and the prime minister, Li Si, hid the news of his death upon their return until they were able to alter his will to place on the throne the dead emperor's most pliable son, Huhai, who took the name of Qin Er Shi.[19] They believed that they would be able to manipulate him to their own ends, and thus effectively control the empire. Qin Er Shi was, indeed, inept and pliable. He executed many ministers and imperial princes, continued massive building projects (one of his most extravagant projects was lacquering the city walls), enlarged the army, increased taxes, and arrested messengers who brought him bad news. As a result, men from all over China revolted, attacking officials, raising armies, and declaring themselves kings of seized territories.[26]
During this time, Li Si and Zhao Gao fell out, and Li Si was executed. Zhao Gao decided to force Qin Er Shi to commit suicide due to Qin Er Shi's incompetence. Upon this, Ziying, a nephew of Qin Er Shi, ascended the throne, and immediately executed Zhao Gao.[26] Ziying, seeing that increasing unrest was growing among the people[note 6] and that many local officials had declared themselves kings, attempted to cling to his throne by declaring himself one king among all the others.[15] He was undermined by his ineptitude, however, and popular revolt broke out in 209 BC. When Chu rebels under the lieutenant Liu Bang attacked, a state in such turmoil could not hold for long. Ziying was defeated near the Wei River in 207 BC and surrendered shortly after; he was executed by the Chu leader Xiang Yu. The Qin capital was destroyed the next year, and this is considered by historians to be the end of the Qin Empire.[27][note 7] Liu Bang then betrayed and defeated Xiang Yu, declaring himself Emperor Gaozu[note 8] of the new Han dynasty on 28 February 202 BC.[28] Despite the short duration of the Qin dynasty, it was very influential on the structure of future dynasties.
Culture and society[edit]Domestic life[edit]
The aristocracy of the Qin were largely similar in their culture and daily life. Regional variations in culture were considered a symbol of the lower classes. This stemmed from the Zhou and was seized upon by the Qin, as such variations were seen as contrary to the unification that the government strove to achieve.[29]
Commoners and rural villagers, who made up over 90% of the population,[30] very rarely left the villages or farmsteads where they were born. Common forms of employment differed by region, though farming was almost universally common. Professions were hereditary; a father's employment was passed to his eldest son after he died.[31] The Lüshi Chunqiu[note 9] gave examples of how, when commoners are obsessed with material wealth, instead of the idealism of a man who 'makes things serve him', they were 'reduced to the service of things'.[32]
Peasants were rarely figured in literature during the Qin dynasty and afterwards; scholars and others of more elite status preferred the excitement of cities and the lure of politics. One notable exception to this was Shen Nong, the so-called 'Divine Father', who taught that households should grow their own food. 'If in one's prime he does not plow, someone in the world will grow hungry. If in one's prime she does not weave, someone in the world will be cold.' The Qin encouraged this; a ritual was performed once every few years that consisted of important government officials taking turns with the plow on a special field, to create a simulation of government interest and activity within agriculture.[31]
Architecture[edit]
Dujiangyan, an irrigation project completed in 256 BC during the Warring States period of China by the State of Qin. It is located on the Min River in Sichuan, near the provincial capital of Chengdu. Although a reinforced concreteweir has replaced Li Bing's original weighted bamboo baskets, the layout of the infrastructure remains the same and is still in use today to irrigate over 5,300 square kilometers of land in the region.
Warring States-era architecture had several definitive aspects. City walls, used for defense, were made longer, and indeed several secondary walls were also sometimes built to separate the different districts. Versatility in federal structures was emphasized, to create a sense of authority and absolute power. Architectural elements such as high towers, pillar gates, terraces, and high buildings amply conveyed this.[33]
Philosophy and literature[edit]
Stone slab with twelve small seal characters. Qin Dynasty (221 â 207 BC). The 12 characters on this slab of floor brick affirm that it is an auspicious moment for the First Emperor to ascend the throne, as the country is united and no men will be dying along the road. Small seal scripts were standardized by the First Emperor of China after he gained control of the country, and evolved from the larger seal scripts of previous dynasties. The text on it is 'æµ·å
çè£ï¼æ²ç»æçï¼éæ¯é£¢äºº'.
The written language of the Qin was logographic, as that of the Zhou had been.[34] As one of his most influential achievements in life, prime minister Li Si standardized the writing system to be of uniform size and shape across the whole country. This would have a unifying effect on the Chinese culture for thousands of years. He is also credited with creating the 'lesser-seal' (Chinese: å°ç¯,; pinyin: xiÇozhuà n) style of calligraphy, which serves as a basis for modern Chinese and is still used in cards, posters, and advertising.[35]
During the Warring States period, the Hundred Schools of Thought comprised many different philosophies proposed by Chinese scholars. In 221 BC, however, the First Emperor conquered all of the states and governed with a single philosophy, Legalism. At least one school of thought, Mohism, was eradicated, though the reason is not known. Despite the Qin's state ideology and Mohism being similar in certain regards, it is possible that Mohists were sought and killed by the state's armies due to paramilitary activities.[36]
Confucius's school of thought, called Confucianism, was also influential during the Warring States period, as well as throughout much of the later Zhou dynasty and early imperial periods.[note 10] This school of thought had a so-called Confucian canon of literature, known as the 'six classics': the Odes, Documents, Ritual, Music, Spring and Autumn Annals, and Changes, which embodied Chinese literature at the time.[37]
During the Qin dynasty, Confucianismâalong with all other non-Legalist philosophies, such as Daoismâwere suppressed by the First Emperor; early Han dynasty emperors did the same. Legalism denounced the feudal system and encouraged severe punishments, particularly when the emperor was disobeyed. Individuals' rights were devalued when they conflicted with the government's or the ruler's wishes, and merchants and scholars were considered unproductive, fit for elimination.[38]
One of the more drastic allegations, however the infamous burning of books and burying of scholars incident, does not appear to be true, as it was not mentioned until many years later.[39] The Han dynasty historian, Sima Qian wrote that First Emperor, in an attempt to consolidate power, in 213 BC ordered the burning of all books advocating viewpoints that challenged Legalism or the state, and also stipulated that all scholars who refused to submit their books to be burned would be executed by premature burial.[22] Only texts considered productive were to be preserved, mostly those that discussed pragmatic subjects, such as agriculture, divination, and medicine.[40] However, Sinologists now argue that the 'burying of scholars' is not literally true, as the term probably meant simply 'put to death'.[41]
Government and military[edit]
The Qin government was highly bureaucratic, and was administered by a hierarchy of officials, all serving the First Emperor. The Qin put into practice the teachings of Han Feizi, allowing the First Emperor to control all of his territories, including those recently conquered. All aspects of life were standardized, from measurements and language to more practical details, such as the length of chariot axles.[21]
Terracotta Army, museum of the grave of Qin Shi Huang.
Qin warriors of the Terracotta Army.
The states made by the emperor were assigned to officials dedicated to the task rather than place the burden on people from the royal family. Zheng and his advisers also introduced new laws and practices that ended feudalism in China, replacing it with a centralized, bureaucratic government. The form of government created by the first emperor and his advisors was used by later dynasties to structure their own government.[20] Under this system, both the military and government thrived, as talented individuals could be more easily identified in the transformed society. Later Chinese dynasties emulated the Qin government for its efficiency, despite its being condemned by Confucian philosophy.[21][42] There were incidences of abuse, however, with one example having been recorded in the 'Records of Officialdom'. A commander named Hu ordered his men to attack peasants in an attempt to increase the number of 'bandits' he had killed; his superiors, likely eager to inflate their records as well, allowed this.[43]
Terracotta Army General (Left), Mid-rank officer of the terracotta army in Xi'an (Right)
Qin Shi Huang also improved the strong military, despite the fact that it had already undergone extensive reforms.[44] The military used the most advanced weaponry of the time. The invention of the sword during the Warring States period was a great advance. It was first used mostly in bronze form, but by the third century BC, the Qin were using stronger iron swords. The demand for this metal resulted in improved bellows. The crossbow had been introduced in the fifth century BC and was more powerful and accurate than the composite bows used earlier. It could also be rendered ineffective by removing two pins, which prevented enemies from capturing a working crossbow.[11]
Qin dynasty composite bow arrows (top) and crossbow bolts (bottom)
Credit: Liang Jieming
The Qin also used improved methods of transportation and tactics. The state of Zhao had first replaced chariots with cavalry in 307 BC, but the change was swiftly adopted by the other states because cavalry had greater mobility over the terrain of China.[45]
The First Emperor developed plans to fortify his northern border, to protect against nomadic invasions. The result was the initial construction of what later became the Great Wall of China, which was built by joining and strengthening the walls made by the feudal lords, which would be expanded and rebuilt multiple times by later dynasties, also in response to threats from the north. Another project built during Qin Shi Huang's rule was the Terracotta army, intended to protect the emperor after his death.[44] The Terracotta Army was inconspicuous due to its underground location, and was not discovered until 1974.[46]
Religion[edit]
Floating on high in every direction,
Music fills the hall and court. The incense sticks are a forest of feathers, The cloudy scene an obscure darkness. Metal stalks with elegant blossoms, A host of flags and kingfisher banners. The music of the 'Seven Origins' and 'Blossoming Origins' Are intoned as harmonious sounds. Thus one can almost hear The spirits coming to feast and frolic. The spirits are seen off to the zhu zhu of the musics, Which purifies and refines human feelings. Suddenly the spirits ride off on the darkness, And the brilliant event finishes. Purified thoughts grow hidden and still, And the warp and weft of the world fall dark.
Han shu, p. 1046
The dominant religious belief in China during the reign of the Qin, and, in fact, during much of early imperial China, was focused on the shen (roughly translating to 'spirits' or 'gods'), yin ('shadows'), and the realm they were said to live in. The Chinese offered animal sacrifices in an attempt to contact this other world, which they believed to be parallel to the earthly one. The dead were said to have simply moved from one world to the other. The rituals mentioned, as well as others, served two purposes: to ensure that the dead journeyed and stayed in the other realm, and to receive blessings from the spirit realm.[note 11][47][48]
Religious practices were usually held in local shrines and sacred areas, which contained sacrificial altars. During a sacrifice or other ritual, the senses of all participants and witnesses would be dulled and blurred with smoke, incense, and music. The lead sacrificer would fast and meditate before a sacrifice to further blur his senses and increase the likelihood of perceiving otherworldly phenomena. Other participants were similarly prepared, though not as rigorously.
Such blurring of the senses was also a factor in the practice of spirit intermediaries, or mediumship. Practitioners of the art would fall into trances or dance to perform supernatural tasks. These people would often rise to power as a result of their artâLuan Da, a Han dynasty medium, was granted rule over 2,000 households. Noted Han historian Sima Qian was scornful of such practices, dismissing them as foolish trickery.[49]
Divinationâto predict and/or influence the futureâwas yet another form of religious practice. An ancient practice that was common during the Qin dynasty was cracking bones or turtle shells to gain knowledge of the future. The forms of divination which sprang up during early imperial China were diverse, though observing natural phenomena was a common method. Comets, eclipses, and droughts were considered omens of things to come.[50]
Etymology of China[edit]
The name 'Qin' is believed to be the etymological ancestor of the modern-day European name of the country, China. The word probably made its way into the Indo-Aryan languages first as 'Cina' or 'Sina' and then into Greek and Latin as 'Sinai' or 'Thinai'. It was then transliterated into English and French as 'China' and 'Chine'. This etymology is dismissed by some scholars, who suggest that 'Sina' in Sanskrit evolved much earlier before the Qin dynasty. 'Jin' (pronounced as 'Zhin'), a state controlled by the Zhou dynasty in seventh century BC, is another possible origin.[51] Others argued for the state of Jing (è, another name for Chu), as well other polities in the early period as the source of the name.[52]
Sovereigns[edit]
An edict in bronze from the reign of the second Qin Emperor
Qin Shi Huang was the first Chinese sovereign to proclaim himself 'Emperor', after unifying China in 221 BC. That year is therefore generally taken by historians to be the start of the 'Qin dynasty' which lasted for fifteen years until 207 when it was cut short by civil wars.[53]
Imperial family tree[edit]
See also[edit]Notes[edit]
References[edit]Citations[edit]
Sources[edit]
Further reading[edit]
External links[edit]
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